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By January , when French dramatists created the first theatrical adaptations, Parisian theater audiences were well acquainted with the novel. From Paris, the early French and Spanish editions quickly reached other destinations. In , two separate Romanian translations from French editions were published in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, which were then under Ottoman control. This situation reflects the strong influence of French culture on nineteenth-century Romanian intellectuals, many of whom were educated in France.
Like the French and Spanish translations, the Dutch translations, the first of which were published in , traveled across established routes of economic, political, and cultural influence, including colonial routes. In , a Dutch translation was published serially in Surabaya in the Dutch Indies, and a book edition was advertised for sale in Batavia. In this respect, we can implicitly connect translation history to international pathways of abolitionist discourse more broadly. Another popular Spanish translation of , by Wenceslao Ayguals de Izco, was also framed within a liberal and anticlerical secular ideology.
In many places, especially where print literacy was not widespread, these adaptations were more influential than the novel in mediating local politics. The French theatrical adaptation by Phillipe Dumanoir and Adolphe Dennery, analyzed by Emily Sahakian, was translated and performed in Spain in , reached Brazil in , and toured around Brazil and Portugal after its opening in Rio de Janeiro in Just as the adapter or translator supplies vernacular genres as well as referents, the reader or viewer latches onto local meanings.
Nineteenth-century liberals in various countries had used the novel to argue against slavery, serfdom, and the oppression of coolies, and throughout the twentieth century, the Soviets turned it into a staple propaganda text in their critique of Western imperialism. What may be read, on one level, as comparative history can be read, on another, as connected history. As Heike Paul demonstrates, F.
These novelists simply filled in details from their own cultures, freely imitating for sentimental effect. In the twentieth century, the ideological malleability of the novel was further encouraged by its new status as juvenile literature. As our authors show, translators in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did not feel bound to the English original as guarantee for the truthfulness and quality of their translations.
This attitude was even more pronounced in editions for young readers. In Bulgaria, several partial or abbreviated translations for adults were made from English in the second half of the nineteenth century. Nonetheless, the first adaptation for children, published in , drew on French, Swedish, and Russian editions for young readers. In these editions, the political and philosophical discussions of slavery that characters hold throughout the novel are abbreviated or entirely removed.
The same holds true for historical audiences in Southeast Asia or Brazil who did not have access to the printed books and learned the story through silent film or performance. While the Western sentimental novel encouraged the transcendence of racial, class, and ethnic differences for the good of all humanity, it also attempted to impose Western moral and aesthetic standards among readers and spectators from non-Western communities.
The interest in that book raised many a sufferer who, while he had not a grumble to bestow upon his own misfortunes, had many a thought of sorrow and just indignation for those which you brought before him.
Had they thought too carefully of both their allies and foes, the history of the Crimean War might be told very differently than it is. Likewise, in the Soviet Bloc and postrevolutionary Iran, interpretations of the novel have latched onto the possibility of revolution spoken by St. Substituting St. Drescher also reminds readers of the systematic and prolonged sexual slavery of Korean, Taiwanese, Chinese, Filipina, Indonesian, and Malay women in the name of imperial Japan.
Forced labor was imposed by Italian, Belgian, Portuguese, and French colonial regimes throughout Africa during wartime. No ethnicity or faith is immune or wholly innocent in these violations. The contributors to this volume undertook its work because of our belief in the value of telling established stories differently, from subaltern as well as dominant points of view, highlighting both local complexities and global trends.
The specifics of the emancipation and abolition causes especially the foreshadowing of the U. The association of minstrelsy and blackface performance as a representation of the book on stage interleaves with this tradition that, at least in the United States, was racist and hateful. In telling some of this reception history as transnational rather than multicultural, we acknowledge not only the value of celebrating the enrichment that a cultural work receives when it lands in a community different from the original target audience but also the value of strategic impoverishment.
Like other performance and film scholars who have adopted a transnational approach, we are particularly interested in how the politics of medium intersects with larger political and social concerns;64 in fact, in telling the story of a single work across diverse media and geographies, we confirm their insight of how crucial the history of media is to geopolitical developments.
As Debra J. They find parallels between their struggles and the fictional George, Cassy, Chloe, and Emmeline, and the play ends with the manumitted slaves opting to stay on the plantation as waged workers, to the refrains of hymns and pop music. Within the United States, few would stomach such pairings in this day and age; however, Uncle Tom is very much on the minds of Germans, whether or not they are constrained by political correctness. Notes 1.
Richmond Daily Dispatch, 25 August Charleston Mercury, 25 May Boston Liberator, 2 July Is Stowe racist? Jewett, Lawrence Venuti London: Routledge, , David C. See William B. Catherine M. Rice and Martin Crawford, eds. Stowe, Key. David S. Norton, , Winifried Fluck, Donald E. Donald E. Cohen and Dever, introduction, Vanni, , Natal Witness, 8 April , 4. The strong interest of performance and film scholars in transnationalism is evidenced by recent special issues on performance, film, and transnationalism in three major journals: Theatre Research International Davis Oh!
Rarely a matter of sustained investigation in Stowe criticism, Canada is nevertheless synonymous with one end of the polarity of freedom and ultimate peril, with the Mississippi watershed at the austral extremity. Lawrence watershed from the American republic.
The proximal relation of Canada to the United States underscores more than a juridical difference in the master-slave relationship, the domination achieved through forced labor, or the tyranny of violence that maintained racialized power in the middle and Southern states extending even to the North via the Fugitive Slave Act. Her characters oriented toward Canada, found freedom there, yet did not put down roots or become part of the continental abolitionist community.
Not surprisingly, Canada figures in slave narratives, pro-emancipation verses, and abolitionist fiction. The following lines from an broadside are indicative: I heard that Queen Victoria said If we would all forsake Our native land of slavery, And come across the lake, That she was standing on the shore With arms extended wide, To give us all a peaceful home, Beyond the rolling tide.
I will stand it no longer. What others have done, I will do. These trusty legs, or these sinewy arms shall place me among the free. Tom escaped; so can I. The North Star will not be less kind to me than to him. I will follow it. Stowe was sensitive to the contrast. Like the Star of Bethlehem, it announced where my salvation lay. Courtesy of the Newberry Library. Map of Canada West by counties. Courtesy of Northwestern University Library.
His first master, Mr. While being transported south, he resolved to kill and rob the men conveying him. He became not only a Moses, a prophet leading his fellow slaves out of Egypt, but also a Paul, an apostle who preaches the message to communities in Canada and beyond.
In Tom, this produces a tragic yet pious outcome. Whereas Canaan is a mythohistorical locus for the suffering faithful, the route to Canada is cosmically navigable for the Harris family, with the help of compassionate men and women.
Failing that assistance, a fugitive could feel the side of trees where moss was longest and could orient by touch, even on a cloudy night. George Harris rejects the nation of his birth, the nation that takes him from suitable work and, more important, empowers a slave master to make George cohabit with a woman who is not his wife. Tom surrenders himself to go south on a riverboat, but George and his wife, Eliza, strike out separately toward Canada.
Having no idea how far off Canada may be, she is determined to follow the North Star and get there with her young son 91, The riverbank on the left, beyond the islands, is Michigan; the riverbank on the right is Amherstburg and the British garrison of Fort Malden.
This is where the fictive Harris family took their first steps in freedom. Reproduced with the permission of the National Gallery of Canada. As a result of Somerset v. Stewart , British soil was synonymous with emancipation, insofar as the rights of seizure and removal by anyone claiming ownership of a human being were nullified within Britain. Rather, it stands as a challenge to better provide for the black migrants crossing international borders. The broadsheet Voice of the Fugitive, published at Sandwich and edited by Henry Bibb a fugitive slave well known for his autobiography , helped spread the word about black settlers in Canada West, authenticate legitimate fundraising efforts, and unite the transnational abolitionist communities for two years, from January through December Power crossed the river at Detroit with a cargo of donated pork, flour, cornmeal, and bedding to distribute to black refugees in need.
He first stopped at the barracks near Windsor, where sixteen or eighteen families sheltered. Most of them were in want of food and clothing; some were sick, and others could not get employment. We rendered what assistance we could to those that appeared to be most in want, and then left these abused people with the blight of slavery still visible on their countenances, and proceeded on our way to Sandwich. There we found some families in the most deplorable state of destitution that I ever saw.
Here I thought I saw the withering blight of slavery in all its definity [sic]. Cross-dressed in disguises young Harry as niece to Mrs. Smyth, Eliza as a prosperous white youth, and George as her valet , they drive to the wharf at Sandusky, Ohio, in a hired coach, load their baggage on a boat, and travel on in comfort. In reality, the neediest fugitives sheltered in barns and warehouses rather than in homes and boardinghouses.
Winter arrivals were disadvantaged by the cold and the seasonal unemployment cycle. Shadd emphasizes the opportunities available to builders and other tradespeople, however, the most readily available employment was agrarian.
Tobacco could also be grown there38 the most southerly and warmest part of the province had a climate more like Baltimore or Philadelphia than Chicago, Cleveland, or Boston ,39 so farm laborers from Kentucky and the Mid-Atlantic states could readily join the agricultural labor force. This form of agrarian settler colonialism was officially encouraged for white as well as black immigrants.
Hired hands strove to become tenant farmers, and tenants aspired to be freeholders. Bush Farm near Chatham, ca. African American settlers in this region gleaned their first crops from old-growth forests like these, but the labor of clearing stumps was considerable.
Reproduced with the permission of the National Archives of Canada. By winter , the town of Amherstburg had fifty-four resident black families persons, including boarders , with property owned by thirteen families in the town and two in the country. Male unskilled laborers could also be employed in the railway construction that approached the western portion of this region in Willes collected donations to purchase two hundred acres of forested land.
He sold ten-acre plots to black settlers and reserved land for a church and school. By , several families were resident and working to clear the land. At Raleigh, Rev. The first settler there arrived at the end of , the school opened in , and much of the land was taken up by sixty families by the winter of ; in , a brickyard and sawmill were established.
Kirkland, there was a church and meetinghouse, and land was being cleared. The census, the first to record race, shows blacks most populous in Essex County 3,, including sizable settlements in Amherstburg, Anderdon, Colchester, East Sandwich, and Windsor , Kent County 4,, including populations at Camden, Gore, Chatham, Harwich, and Raleigh , and Lincoln County , the majority in St.
The City of Toronto had black residents;48 many were prosperous, owned their homes, and sent their children to separate or integrated schools; a few attended university, and the black community sustained several churches and a debating lyceum.
Ben Blackburn, whom Drew encountered in Windsor, had recently arrived with a gang of seventeen others following a mile journey from Maysville, Kentucky. Robert Nelson, a slave from Boone County in Kentucky, came to Canada in despite fearful warnings about what he might encounter there. John Hunter received some education in Maryland and ran away when he learned he was to be sold.
Isaac Riley and her husband traveled about six hundred miles, from Perry County in Missouri to Windsor; they settled first in a Frenchspeaking district possibly Tecumseh or LaSalle , then in St. Catharines, and finally in Buxton, where their children attended school and studied Latin and Greek. This seemed so to me, long before I came here; every day confirms me in the opinion. Our enemies see it, know it, deplore it, hate it.
In the same letter, Ward disparages the other alternative held out for black Americans: emigration to Liberia. For its advocates, Liberia held the promise of a black republic, a reverse emigration project for the recolonization of Africa by black Americans.
For a man like Patrick Snead, who left Georgia in and lived in Toronto by , learning about Liberia was eye-opening. Snead was an accomplished cooper and plied this trade for a while in Savannah, where he was owned by a free black man. I then told him, that I hoped one day to be my own man, and if so, that I wished to go to Liberia. Samuel Joseph May, a Unitarian minister from Syracuse New York, who had renounced the colonization movement in the s, offered encouragement for social uplift.
The free people of color, as they are called in mockery, are regarded as below contempt. Thus rejecting African colonization without needing to name it,66 Thompson wound up his two-and-a-half-hour address by reminding his auditors in Toronto of their local and transnational responsibility. Their sighs come to you with every breeze from the South. Oh, haste to help them, that this glorious continent may be freed from its pollution and its curse.
Give the fugitive your aid. You have thus far done nobly. Continue to receive kindly and to cherish hospitably, on these shores, the refugees from the house of American bondage. Give the abolitionists your sympathy. The third speaker was Frederick Douglass, who first allied with Thompson in , as part of the Evangelical Alliance that objected to slaveholding by American Presbyterians.
Douglass was also expected to identify Canada as a haven for runaway slaves. Go there and be free; go to the British Lion, and be freed from the talons and the beak of the American Eagle! On this point he spoke boldly. Douglass called for his audience to emulate Madison Washington, hero of the Creole revolt.
Douglass had yet to write The Heroic Slave, but the story was frequently on his mind. It is based on the case of a coastal trader transporting slaves from Virginia for sale in New Orleans. Boarded at Nassau by black soldiers, the Bahamians proclaimed that the ship came under British law and that, by broad interpretation of the Somerset decision, every slave aboard was free. The nineteen insurrectionists were cleared by the courts four months later and also became freemen.
While in Canada, Washington was powerless to help his family or challenge the institution of slavery; back in the grip of the oppressor, he could lead himself and others to liberty in the port of Nassau, New Providence Island.
In Canada, George eschews agrarian occupations and finds the necessary uplift to fulfill his natural capacity as a mechanic, yet this does not suffice. In Paris, he becomes a scholar; in Liberia, he expects to become a leader. Thus, Canada is a staging post for becoming free, and Liberia, the new republic recolonized by blacks, is a platform for global advocacy. Without evident judgment, though at the risk of alienating Garrisonians and other prominent abolitionist factions, Stowe invites readers to imagine her characters in both locales.
As a committee of Amherstburg blacks stated in , Resolved, That this convention in behalf of the American slaves, tender its thanks to Mrs. Family ties sustain the kinds of daring return made by Jim for his mother in Ohio and by Madison Washington for his wife in Virginia. As dependent as this reunion is on storytelling coincidence,79 the affective content ties together specific, meaningful locations: Canada West as embarkation point; francophone Montreal as disembarkation point; France where George completed his education and the West Indies where de Thoux married, was liberated, and inherited a fortune  as pivots to opportunity; and Liberia as the location where George imagines taking a hitherto unknown form of political agency.
It seemed to us as if the author had spoiled her work and planted the stiletto of a murderous prejudice in the bosoms of those whom it had been her purpose to protect and befriend. Certainly, many abolitionists on both sides of the border sought to make settlement there a pragmatic option as long as slavery persisted in the United States.
Recapitulation of the stories of runaways, captured slaves, and immigrants kept the need for Canadian activism alive for readers of newspapers, as suggested by the demise of Voice of the Fugitive at the end of and the commencement of the Provincial Freeman in March Yet the performative interconnections of stage minstrelsy and Tom shows were at variance with the largely pro-abolitionist readings of the novel.
Notes Special thanks go to Ivy Wilson for astute advice and to Elynne Whaley for research assistance. Matlack New York: Henry Bibb, , Thomas Moore Paris: A.
Galignan, , Stage adaptations are another matter. Henson , Henson made many journeys back to the United States, to conduct business on behalf of the British American Institute and Dawn Mills sawmill and to participate in fundraising, especially in Boston. He also made three journeys to Britain, preaching in dozens of localities in England and Scotland. Alexander M. Ross corroborated the likelihood that slaves from Virginia and the border slave states were unlikely to know that reaching Canada could be feasible.
He toured the South under the pretext of collecting ornithological specimens and found ways to inform slaves about Canada. See Wilbur H. Thomas Davis London: Henry G. Bohn, , William R. Marsh, , Irish immigration swelled the numbers arriving in the Canadas from Great Britain and Ireland from 31, persons in to , in the peak year of For slaves escaping through Kentucky, the Ohio River demarcated the state lines, with Indiana and Ohio to the north; tributaries led to Columbus and Oberlin.
Lake Erie is part of a separate watershed. Pattison, ; reprint, Peterborough: Broadview, , Power, letter to the editor, Voice of the Fugitive, 12 February , 1.
Disguise was not unusual for escapees. See Siebert, Shadd, In Upper Canada, tobacco was first cultivated in by former slaves from Virginia and Kentucky Silverman, Sharon A.
Hotchkiss, letter to the editor, Voice of the Fugitive, 26 February , 1. Voice of the Fugitive, 8 April , 2. Introduction to Black Abolitionist Papers, ed. Siebert, Philadelphia: Porter and Coates, Allen P. Drew, Stouffer, Report of the Committee on Emigration, Report of the Committee on Emigration, 8. Ronald M. American Presbyterians offered a gift to Scottish crofters suffering the first wave of the potato blight; Thompson and Douglass urged Scottish clergy to reject it.
See George Thompson and Henry C. S43, Library of Congress. See Robert S. John W. The cabin is part of the Ontario Heritage Trust. The anti-colonization position of influential nineteenth-century African Americans, including David Walker and Frederick Douglass, has carried the day. Washington dedicates a good deal of his lengthy essay to considering colonization in relation to abolition, lamenting how supporters of each cause have become antagonists instead of allies.
In siding with abolitionists and neglecting the pro-colonization position, scholars have associated George Harris primarily with Frederick Douglass and other prominent educated blacks on whom Stowe also drew to develop the character. By doing so, we have missed not just his connection to Washington but also, significantly, more complicated understandings that were possible at the time, about abolition and colonization, fact and fiction, and the United States and Liberia.
Recognizing this, Washington dedicates his essay to carving out a more moderate position. For our own part, under the existing state of things, we cannot see why any hostility should exist between those who are true Abolitionists and that class of Colonizationists who are such from just and benevolent motives.
Nor can we see a reason why a man of pure and enlarged philanthropy may not be in favor of both, unless his devotion to one should cause him to neglect the other. Extremes in any case are always wrong. As with Washington, such cooperation is the means to ultimately separatist ends. Harris therefore concludes that a fully black nation in Africa is the necessary alternative. It is with the oppressed, enslaved African race that I cast in my lot. Augustus Washington, a colored man of more than ordinary talents, has, in the agony of despair, written a long article in the New York Tribune commending the whole infernal scheme which at present is filling the whole Colonization ranks with rejoicing.
A critical remark of one of our correspondents, to whom we had sent a copy, is rather peculiar, and no doubt, will be considered quite complimentary to the author. One such reader and leader was Edward W. Pinney of the American Colonization Society ACS and published in the African Repository reveals that Blyden was a voracious reader of print imported into Liberia, with an especially keen eye for how the contentious republic was being represented in the United States.
Harriet B. As we have seen, representations of the distant republic typically offered up examples of successes in its early development, as grounds for imagining a full-fledged and thriving nation in the not-too-distant future.
Such representations of Liberia and Liberians had even higher stakes. Nothing less than the capacities of people of African descent for self-government and self-sufficiency were on trial in the court of global public opinion swayed toward doubt by the racist science of ethnology , and the unsaved souls of native Africans were at risk in the eyes of evangelical Christians.
In the summer of , Augustus Washington produced two daguerreotypes as just such evidence: one featured a view of Monrovia from the harbor lighthouse, and the other showed the Liberian presidential mansion. At the time, daguerreotypy was considered the most accurate and objective form of representation possible; the highly detailed images, promoted as made through the agency of sunlight and chemistry instead of subjective human hands, carried significant authority as evidence.
The town itself has plenty of soul, with its working fishing docks, old-timers and a friendly vibe. Bring your camera to capture the views back toward the fortress at the national historic site. Built to protect French interests in the region, it was also a base for cod fishing and an administrative capital.
Louisbourg was worked on continually from to about as saltwater in the mortar led to corrosion. The British took it in a day siege in , exploiting intelligence from British soldiers who had been prisoners in the fortress. It would change hands twice more. Since its founding in , the Sydney steel mill has produced some , tons of toxic sludge, the by-product of burning dirty coal to produce coke for use in the steel plant. The hectare coke-oven site is now a field of rubble contaminated to depths of 25m.
The immense scale and extreme toxicity of the site have thwarted several clean-up attempts. Once solidified, the area will be covered in plastic, then soil and eventually grass. Workers in period dress take on the lives of typical fort inhabitants. Free guided tours around the site are offered throughout the day. Travelers with mobility problems can ask for a pass to drive their car up to the site; there are ramps available to access most buildings.
Though the scale of the reconstruction is massive, three-quarters of Louisbourg is still in ruins. The 2. Three restaurants serve food typical of the time. Cranberry Cove Inn , ; www. Each room is unique and several have Jacuzzis and fireplaces. The views over the bay here are lovely and the service charming.
Other shellfish platters as well as burgers and chicken are available. The largest town on the islands, Arichat, is one of the oldest communities in Nova Scotia and was a booming seaport in the s.
Le Noir Forge Museum ; Lower St; admission free; 10am-5pm Jun-Sep has blacksmith demonstrations in a restored stone blacksmith shop on the waterfront. The menu features burger platters at lunch and pastas and fresh seafood for dinner.
Running from Cape Canso at the extreme eastern tip of the mainland to the outskirts of Dartmouth, the Eastern Shore has no large towns and the main road is almost as convoluted as the rugged shoreline it follows. If you want to experience wilderness and are willing to hike or kayak, this is your heaven. From the picnic area on the highway below the campground, a footbridge leads to a small island. Desbarres Manor ; www. Check the website for schedules. Long dependent on the fishery, Canso has been decimated by outward emigration and unemployment since the northern cod stocks collapsed around The cape surrounding the village has some very off-the-beaten-track opportunities for hiking, kayaking, bird-watching and surfing.
In the British built a small fort to offset the French who had their headquarters in Louisbourg. The outpost was extremely vulnerable to military attacks and was totally destroyed in The boat to Grassy Island departs from the center upon demand, weather permitting. Chapel Gully Trail is a 10km boardwalk and hiking trail along an estuary and out to the coast.
It begins near the lighthouse on the hill behind the hospital at the eastern end of Canso. A large map is posted at the trailhead. Most people come for the Stan Rogers Folk Festival www.
Accommodations are pretty much impossible to get unless you reserve a year ahead. Locals set up campsites for the festival; check the website for details and try to get a site away from the festival site if sleep is a priority. The owners will help you organize your preferred activity. There are 25 buildings to visit in this living museum that effectively helps its visitors step back in time.
Rooms in the house are shared while the loft style chalet has its own bathroom. On one side is a long, very fine, sandy beach fronting a protected bay. Some 17km of hiking trails cut through the spruce and fir forests. The Headland Trail is the longest at 8km round-trip and follows the rugged coastline to scenic views at Taylor Head.
The shorter Bob Bluff Trail is a 3km round-trip hike to a bluff with good views. Pack the picnic cooler and plan on spending a full day hiking, lounging and if you can brave the cool water swimming here.
The Acadians had been forced to abandon all their livestock and it appears that Boston merchant ship owner Thomas Hancock helped himself to their horses then put them to pasture on Sable Island to keep it low profile. The horses that survived became wild. Today the island works as a research center; scientists come every year, mostly to study the birds, seals and horses. Since , natural gas fields run by Exxon have been working only 10km from the island but so far there has been little environmental conflict.
Highly recommended Coastal Adventures Sea Kayaking , www. The man of the house used to row 16km to get to his fishing grounds, leaving his wife and 13 daughters at home. Costumed local guides offer tea and hospitality. If you enjoy a creamy seafood chowder, the one here is to die for.
Other specialties on offer include lobster, seafood and steaks. Wealthy American sportsmen and glamorous Hollywood starlets regularly journeyed north to fish its rivers and hunt in the vast forested interior.
Gradually New Brunswick slipped into relative obscurity; a terra incognita lying between Quebec and Nova Scotia. But the unspoiled wilderness is still there. So are gentle green valleys dotted with farms, colorful fishing villages along the coast, and a maritime culture melding the heritage of the early Acadian and British settlers with strong aboriginal traditions and those of recent immigrants.
The Trans-Canada Hwy cuts a roughly diagonal swath across the province from its northwest corner to the southeastern tip en route to Prince Edward Island.
To see New Brunswick, you have to get off the highway and explore its small towns and villages, scenic river valleys, wilderness parks and coastal islands. New Brunswick offers outstanding opportunities for enjoying the great outdoors. Whale-watching around Passamaquoddy Bay and Grand Manan is so good it comes with a sighting guarantee. Sea-kayak outfitters offer a rigorous day out on the waves.
The inland lakes and rivers have unlimited opportunities for canoe-tripping. There are 64 covered bridges and 70 lighthouses in New Brunswick. Many places still bear their aboriginal names although the Aboriginal people who today number around 17, are now concentrated on small pockets of land.
Following in the wake of explorer Samuel de Champlain, French colonists arrived in the s. The Acadians, as they came to be known, farmed the area around the Bay of Fundy. In they were expelled by the English, many returning to settle along the Bay of Chaleur.
In the years following, the outbreak of the American Revolution brought an influx of British Loyalists from Boston and New York seeking refuge in the wilds of New Brunswick. These refugees settled the valleys of the St John and St Croix Rivers, established the city of Saint John and bolstered the garrison town at Fredericton. The majority of the population still has British roots. Irish ancestry is dominant in Saint John and Miramichi.
Through the s lumbering and shipbuilding boomed and by the start of the 20th century other industries, including fishing, had developed. That era of prosperity ended with the Great Depression. Today, pulp and paper, oil refining and potato farming are the major industries. The church parking lots are generally full on a Sunday morning, but so are the pubs on a Friday night, and there is some overlap in clientele.
Country and gospel music are popular in these parts, but every sizable town has a small alternative music and arts scene and a few young people walking around with pink hair and black clothes. You will rarely have a problem being understood in English or French.
There are four distinct seasons. Summers are generally mild with occasional hot days. The Fundy shore is prone to fog, particularly in the spring and early summer. The primary tourist season lasts from late June to early September. Many tourist facilities beaches, organized tours and some accommodations in resort areas shut down for the remainder of the year. Kouchibouguac National Park encompasses a serene land and seascape of tidal marshes and estuaries, sand dunes, beaches and forest. Fundy National Park is a big chunk of rugged coastline on the Bay of Fundy.
There are 12 provincial parks scattered throughout the province. There are also several designated historical sites including colonial forts and homes of prominent people. The Fundy Coast is a major bird migration corridor, with great viewing in spring, summer and fall. Other creatures of interest include black bear, moose and deer, which inhabit rural and wilderness areas, whales in the Bay of Fundy, and Atlantic salmon in the Miramichi River.
For concert listings and events, pick up the free [here] tabloid in Fredericton, Saint John and Moncton. Follow the Old River Road through Gagetown to the port city of Saint John, stopping at a few pottery studios along the way. The next morning, head west along the Fundy coast to catch the ferry to Grand Manan Island. Take your pick of whale-watching tours, hiking, cycling or relaxing on the verandah with a book. Stop for a dip in the ocean at Parlee Beach near Shediac, then head north toward Bouctouche.
Get a taster of Acadian culture at Le Pays de la Sagouine, then round out the experience with a visit to the modern village of Caraquet and a time trip to the early 19th century at Village Historique Acadien. Alternatively, head up to the Miramichi for a few days of salmon fishing and tubing on the famed river. Outdoor Adventures Start with a couple of days camping by the ocean, kayaking along the dunes and exploring the cycling and hiking trails at Kouchibouguac National Park.
Take a sea-kayaking expedition in Passamaquoddy Bay, then spend a week canoe-tripping through the Chiputneticook Lakes. These are open from mid-May to mid-October only. WestJet also flies into Saint John from Toronto three times a week. Click here for airline contact details. The three-hour crossing can save a lot of driving. From Saint John between late June and early September, departure times are 9am and pm daily with an additional am crossing on Tuesday and Thursday.
From Digby, departure times are 1pm and pm with an additional 5am sailing on Tuesday and Thursday. During the rest of the year, ferries run once or twice daily in both directions. Even with a reservation, arrive an hour before departure. Walk-ons and cyclists should be OK any time.
For Fundy Isles ferries, see the section dedicated to the islands Click here. BUS Acadian Lines ; www. For information on the daily bus service between Bangor and Calais, Click here. Traffic is generally light, although crossing the Maine border usually means a delay at customs. These accidents are almost always fatal for the animal and about five people a year die this way. Eighty-five percent of moose-vehicle collisions happen between May and October and most occur at night.
Slow down when driving after dusk and scan the verges for animals, using your high beams when there is no oncoming traffic. High-risk zones are posted. Its grassy banks are mowed and dotted with fountains, walking paths, playing fields, tall elms and willows.
The small downtown commercial district is a neat grid of redbrick storefronts. Surrounding it are quiet residential streets lined with tall, graceful elms shading beautifully maintained Georgian and Victorian houses and abundant flowerbeds. A canopy of trees spreads over the downtown, pierced here and there by church spires. The French followed in but were eventually burned out by the British, who brought in Loyalists fleeing the United States after the American Revolution.
Fredericton really came into its own the next year when the British government decided to form a new province by splitting New Brunswick away from Nova Scotia. The Westmorland St Bridge connects the downtown area with the north shore residential areas. Further east, Hwy 8 crosses the river on the Princess Margaret Bridge. Visitors Centre , ; www. Westminster Books ; King St Stocks regional authors.
Also in summer the Calithumpians Outdoor Summer Theatre performs daily at pm weekdays and 2pm weekends. The free historical skits are laced with humor. Threaten your kids! The lower section of the barracks is now used as artisan studios. Beaverbrook Art Gallery This relatively small but excellent gallery ; www. The exceptional collection includes works by international heavyweights and is well worth an hour or so.
When the Legislative Assembly is not in session, guides can show you around. When the assembly is in session, visitors are welcome to observe.
The representative of the queen moved out in after the province refused to continue paying his expenses, and during most of the 20th century the complex was a Royal Canadian Mounted Police RCMP headquarters. It now evocatively captures a moment in time with tours led by staff in period costume. Oh what the hell, you know you always wanted a mullet! Old Burial Ground The Loyalist cemetery Brunswick St, at Carleton St; 8am-9pm , dating back to , is an atmospheric, thought-provoking history lesson of its own, revealing large families and kids dying tragically young.
The Loyalists arrived from the 13 colonies after the American Revolution of On offer are weekly passes, guided canoe and kayak tours, one-hour to three-day river ecology trips, and instruction in either canoeing or kayaking. They range from m to Pick up a map at City Hall. For bike rentals, Click here.
Tours depart from City Hall at 10am, pm and 5pm daily. Silver Wave Film Festival ; www. Often travelers luxuriate in their own room. Wind down on the front porch swing. Carriage House Inn , ; www. The grand common room is furnished with polished hardwood floors, antiques, comfy sofas, fireplaces and grand piano.
The 10 high-ceilinged guest rooms upstairs feature four-poster beds, period wallpapers and original artwork. There is a deep verandah for lounging. Delta Fredericton , ; www. All the amenities of the upscale hotel chain plus a secluded patio bar with a fabulous view of the river and nearby islands.
Return to beginning of chapter EATING For a small city, Fredericton offers a wide, cosmopolitan cross-section of restaurants and most are in the walkable core. Mixed in among the or so stands are some selling handicrafts, homemade desserts and flowers.
There is also a restaurant where Frederictonians queue to catch up and people-watch. Enjoy your meal on the rooftop patio. Daily lunch specials include Jambalaya with cornbread, quiche and salad and a range of wholesome, hefty sandwiches. The largely authentic, south-of-the-border food, including tamales and enormous burritos, is savory, plentiful and never greasy.
The Mexican drinks go down well with the Latin music, too. Great for a casual, flavorful meal. No alcohol. Have a freshly-made pastry and iced coffee under the trees or a hearty German meal in the homey schnitzel parlor. Open for dinner by reservation only. Dishes range from coconut curry with mussels and maple baked salmon to pasta incorporating local sausage and mushrooms.
The Atlantic salmon is superb. Among other things, he gave it an art gallery in It includes an impressive collection of European masters. They thought the time had come for them to be sent across the pond. The art gallery board said to forget it. Then things got ugly and litigious. In , an independent arbitrator ruled that of the artworks in dispute, 85 were gifts from Lord Beaverbrook to the gallery.
Forty-eight other mainly minor works had to go back. The current Lord Beaverbrook has appealed the decision. Pub meals are served daily, too. Lunar Rogue Pub ; King St; am Lunar Rogue has a good beer selection and a fine assortment of single malts. Try Picaroons, the local microbrew and enjoy summer on the patio. For the scoop on concerts, art gallery openings and other happenings around town, pick up a copy of [here] www.
They were covered to protect their load-bearing timbers from rot and to keep the snow off and are generally high and wide because cartloads of hay pulled by horses had to pass over them. As recently as , there were bridges in New Brunswick. Today, 64 bridges remain, more than anywhere else in Canada. Though age, fire and flooding have taken their toll, most of the bridges are still part of the secondary road network, not idle relics.
Click here for flight details. In-province visitors can get a one-day pass. Avis, Budget, Hertz and National car rental agencies Click here all have desks at the airport and downtown.
Service is halved on weekends. Two automobile routes carve through the valley: the quicker Trans-Canada Hwy Hwy 2 , mostly on the west side of the river, and the more scenic old Hwy on the east side, which meanders through many villages. A community of costumed staff create a living museum by role-playing in 11 houses, a school, church, store and sawmill typical of those used a century ago, providing a glimpse and taste of pioneer life in the Maritimes.
Demonstrations and events are staged throughout the day and horse-drawn carts shunt visitors around. The prosperous Loyalist life reflected here can be tellingly compared to that at the Acadian Historic Village in Caraquet. Situated where the Meduxnekeag River flows into the St John River, it has a historical core of lovingly preserved Victorian homes and public buildings.
It serves colorful, healthful fare like quiche, soups, salads, sandwiches, luscious desserts, coffee, a local microbrew and martinis to world beat music. Acadian Lines bus stops at the Irving convenience store ; Connell St. The photogenic m-long Hartland covered bridge over the St John River was erected in and is a national historic site.
The picnic tables overlooking the river and the bridge at the tourist information center are five-star lunch spots fixings at the grocery store across the road.
Otherwise, the village has a rather forlorn atmosphere. Check-in is after 5pm. A far more scenic route albeit about twice as long follows the gentle, meandering St John River through rolling farmland and a couple of historic villages down to the Fundy coast. Start on the north side of the river in Fredericton, and follow Rte south through Maugerville to Jemseg. At Exit , pick up Rte South which will take you to the Gagetown ferry landing admission free; 24hr, year-round.
This is the first of a system of eight free cable ferries that crisscross the majestic St John River en route to the city of Saint John. You will never have to wait more that a few minutes for the crossing, which generally takes five to 10 minutes.
The top-notch staff will show you through the exhibits spanning pre-colonial aboriginal history in the area, 18th-century settler life, and up to WWII. Gagetown Cider Company ; Fox Rd; pm offers tours by appointment. Explore scenic Gagetown Creek by boat. Gagetown Camping ; www. The grand old farmhouses and weathered hay barns dotted at hundred acre intervals along the valley belong to that earlier age.
The hilly 42km piece of road between Gagetown and the ferry landing at Evandale admission free; 24hr, year-round is especially picturesque, with glorious panoramic views of fields full of wildflowers, white farm houses and clots of green and gold islands set in the intensely blue water of the river. A hundred years ago, Evandale was a bustling little place, where a dance band would entertain riverboat passengers stopping off for the night at the now abandoned Everleigh Hotel the big Victorian mansion up from the ferry landing.
On the other side of the water, Rte takes you the short distance to the Belleisle ferry admission free; 24hr, year-round. The ferry deposits you on the rural Kingston Peninsula, where you can cross the peninsula to catch the Gondola Point Ferry admission free; 24hr, year-round and head directly into Saint John.
In this area, school kids are still given two weeks off in the autumn to help bring in the harvest. Especially engaging are the archival photographs and recorded oral histories of local elders recounting a hardscrabble life growing up in the New Brunswick potato belt. The museum is 2km off Hwy 2 at Exit toward Centreville on Rte If you are cycling up the valley on the Trans Canada Trail Click here or looking for a bed for the night, there are two appealing options in the area.
Besides the Harvest Cafe see opposite , Florenceville has a half-dozen middle-of-the-road restaurants serving three meals a day. Mt Carleton is little known and relatively unvisited, even in midsummer. Hunting and logging are prohibited in the park, and all roads are gravel-surfaced. The nearest town is Riley Brook, 30km away, so bring all food and a full tank of gas.
At the entrance to the park is a visitors centre ; www. There is also another office ; dnr. In the park itself, the Nictau and Nipisiguit chains of lakes offer easy day-tripping through a landscape of tree-clad mountains. For experienced canoeists, the shallow and swift Little Tobique River rises at Big Nictau Lake, winding in tight curls through dense woods until it joins the Tobique itself at Nictau.
The more remote Nepisiguit River flows out of the Nepisiguit Lakes through the wilderness until it empties into the Bay of Chaleur at Bathurst, over kilometers away. The lower reaches of the Tobique, from Nictau, through minute Riley Brook and down to Plaster Rock is a straight, easy paddle through forest and meadow that gives way to farmland as the valley broadens, with a couple of waterfront campgrounds along the way.
Fiddles on the Tobique ; late Jun is a weekend festival held annually in Nictau and Riley Brook. It is a magical idea: a round of community hall suppers, jam sessions and concerts culminating in a Sunday afternoon floating concert down the Tobique River from Nictau to Riley Brook.
By some accounts, the event has been damaged by its own popularity, devolving into a boisterous booze cruise. Others call it a grand party and good fun. On land, Bill Miller ; www. Also worth a stop is the Tobique Salmon Barrier admission free; 9am-5pm , signposted from the road at Nictau, located at the confluence of the Little Tobique and Campbell Rivers.
There is a spectacular view from the Department of Fisheries office situated on a bluff overlooking the water. From here, officers keep a hour watch on the Atlantic salmon, which are trucked up by road from below the Mactaquac Dam at Fredericton and held here until spawning time, in order to protect their dwindling numbers from poachers.
The knowledgeable staff oversee demonstration projects devoted to organic agriculture, wind and solar power, biodiesel production and straw-bale construction.
You can tour the site, hike 10km of forest trails and enjoy the view atop Skedaddle Ridge named for the American Civil War draft-dodgers who settled here , or sign up for a weekend workshop a calendar of events is on the website.
The center is a half-hour drive from Hartland. Call or check the website for directions, pack a picnic and enjoy the scenery along the way. The park has a 62km network of trails, most of them are loops winding to the handful of rocky knobs that are the peaks.
The easiest peak to climb is Mt Bailey; a 7. Most hikers can walk this route in three hours. Plan on three to four hours for the trek and pack your parka; the wind above the tree line can be brutal. The most scenic hike is the Sagamook Trail, a 6km loop to a m peak with superlative vistas of Nictau Lake and the highlands area to the north of it; allow three hours for this trek.
All hikers intending to follow any long trails must register at the visitors center or park headquarters before hitting the trail. Outside the camping season mid-May to mid-September , you should call ahead to make sure the main gate will be open, as the Mt Carleton trailhead is With so few sites available, the park campground can occasionally fill up.
Reservations are suggested, by sending an email to the park office Click here in St Quentin. Williams Brook and Franquelin Campgrounds and the backcountry Headwaters campsite in the park were all closed at the time of research due to government budget cuts.
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Interviews Today’s News! Today’s News! JaneBal says: Posted on October 5, at am. RobertZic says: Posted on October 5, at am. UgoBal says: Posted on October 3, at am. LeilahenMr says: Posted on October 2, at pm. RobertZic says: Posted on October 2, at pm. TwylaenMr says: Posted on October 1, at pm. GtoSL says: Posted on October 1, at pm. Leading party scholars of the sixties and seventies used an array of behavioral techniques to reveal that the national party organization was highly decentralized into semiautonomous units, each powerful in and of itself.
We have a variety of national party units for each party, but they are not part of a neat pyramid of power, with the national chair at the top and the other committees and units filling subordinate positions in a party hierarchy.
Rather, it is a segmented and pluralized assortment of party units with no clear and precise linkage to each other.
What this means is that there is no central managerial control of the national party, no singular body of power, authority and responsibility. Rather it is a structure of several centers of power and decision making.
That alliance, of necessity, bypasses the party organization. Since presidents simply ignore their party leadership role, there is little use in studying it and the titular leader concept, which it generated. Given the structural realities of the national party apparatus, it took party scholars 27 years to begin publishing on presidential party leadership beyond the titular leader concept. In an innovative and pathbreaking article, Cornelius Cotter broke a static academic tradition.
He wrote: The record reveals that as president, Eisenhower executed considerable influence over the Republican party and pursued a well-informed and sustained program to strengthen it.
Arguably, he was the most constructive and consistent intervener in party organizational matters of any president after Franklin D. Eisenhower was a pragmatic politician who felt it wise to placate Taft supporters and integrate them into the new power structure. After the selection of what he felt was an appropriate chair, and peopling the RNC with Taft supporters, Eisenhower began the integration of the Citizens for Eisenhower movement into the regular RNC.
He also used his cabinet meetings and cabinet affairs to help remake and reshape the party. Presidential party leadership is more than symbolic and ceremonial in nature.
The Eisenhower case study revealed that the president could remake the national aspect of the party organization. State party organizations could be coordinated by patronage. Discipline, however, was another matter. The reforming of the southern Republican Party led to a transformation of the national organization and a new crop of leaders. Hence, the ability to remake the party was both a blessing and a curse: it could be done from the top down, but there were inherent problems at the regional level.
What these academic approaches left unexplored is how presidential party leadership can remake state and local parties beyond the use of elite patronage policies. Such an approach can generate citizen activists, but little more beyond that is mentioned.
Elite patronage policies were discussed only in terms of their role in the reinvigoration of state and local units that had been permitted to disintegrate as opposed to prodding them into lockstep with the national party organization.
Eisenhower had followed a conventional organizational route to remake his party. Roosevelt, however, tried in the congressional primaries to purge his party of southern conservative Democrats only to see those he had targeted for defeat reelected.
The purge of , therefore, did beneficially contribute to the long-term, liberal transformation of the national party by dramatically publicizing the ideological-policy differences and conflicts between the liberal and conservative elements of the party.
Although Savage rejected the criticism of the Roosevelt purge as a failure, his work shows Truman as unsuccessful. More important, it revealed that these different approaches led to different degrees of party rebuilding. Appearing after the first book by Savage was one on presidential party leadership that covered every president from Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton. This made party politics unnecessary, converting partisans into a personal following.
Milkis felt that Roosevelt had seriously damaged his own political party. The acceptance of a modern concept of presidential power both changed party politics and made them less important in the scheme of things.
The elevation of the presidency and administrative agencies to a position of central importance recast parties, so that they were less focused on patronage and local government and more attuned to national politics and programmatic concerns. At the same time, parties were more likely to be defined by presidential politics and governance, thus losing their identity as collective organizations with a past and a future.
Such a thesis clearly breaks with Cotter, Savage, and others who have argued that presidents can strengthen their party organizations. Basically one is left at this point with the need to make a choice between the old concept and this new interpretation. But instead of making a choice, one could ask: What do these theories have to say about President Johnson? Roger Brown and David Welborn studied two of the three southern native-son presidents, Johnson and Carter, and offered a collective portrait on two dimensions of their relationships with the Democratic Party: 1 their performance of the party leadership role, and 2 their party partisanship.
They found that of the five presidents between and Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter , only Johnson and Carter were weak in these two areas. I never questioned the capacity or the sincerity, or the ability of a man because he belonged to a different political party. Roosevelt believed that party leadership should be deemphasized but not abandoned, but Johnson, after , seemed neither to appreciate nor to understand that sort of subtlety.
For example, the Johnson Administration undertook a ruthless attack on the Democratic National Committee beginning in late , slashing its budget to the bone and eliminating the voter registration division. The president also ignored the pleas of several advisors to replace the uninspired leadership of John Bailey as DNC [Democratic National Committee] chairman. Instead, he humiliated Bailey, refusing to replace him, while turning control of the scaled-back committee activities over to the top political liaison in the White House, W.
Marvin Watson. Party scholar Harold Bass Jr. Further, they saw the state party as representative of the large white society in the state, refusing to recognize civil rights for blacks. Early on, party officials made clear their desires to act in accordance with the wishes of President Johnson.
The profoundly moving speech of MFDP delegate Fannie Lou Hamer to the National Convention stiffened the resolve of the delegates and their allies; the compromise was rejected, despite pleas from leaders such as King and others. The regular all-white delegation also rejected the Humphrey compromise and walked out of the convention.
However, as a result of this compromise, a special committee was created to see that the problem did not occur in the future. His performance reinforced a fundamental feature of the modern presidency: presidential reliance on White House aides to convey presidential directives to party organizational officials. Further, it demonstrates how modern communications technology, especially the telephone, enables a president to exercise close personal supervision over party affairs from afar.
Both the major and the minor literature extol one position: LBJ was a failure as a party leader. From a one-party state, Texas, where political struggles were factional rather than interparty, Johnson was less devoted to party images. As a consequence, he gave little support to the national committee, and in fact cut its budget.
His campaigns and leadership were more personal than partisan. Starting shortly after his landslide election, national newspapers and news magazines began, along with the various nationally syndicated columnists, to note that the president was letting the DNC slide into shambles and that this spelled disaster.
Initially these critics used the severe staff reductions demanded by the president as a point of departure and began a drumbeat about eminent party collapse. The media continued this drumbeat until, in March , President Johnson withdrew from the presidential primaries.
All of the election postmortems pointed out that the president had let the Democratic Party organization languish, and that this led to his own non-reelection chances.
His party leadership had failed at both the congressional and the presidential levels. Herein lie the roots of the scholarly literature, which would emerge in the seventies, eighties, and nineties. Johnson apparently does not want to give the committee an independent power of its own. Articles written in described LBJ as courting one segment of the Democratic Party coalition over another, offering the impression that he was swapping the African American voter for the traditional southern white voter.
The implication was that this was poor party decision making and a risky venture for the Democratic Party. Journalists were again raising party leadership failure, in a slightly different guise. By now the party leadership failure thesis had taken hold. This combined data usually offered a fairly precise portrait of the president as party leader. Scholars who used this material were bound to be informed about this perspective, if not influenced in this direction. Johnson Presidential Library in Austin, Texas.
Harold Bass initially took the lead in this work. He was both thoughtful in delineating different aspects of this relationship and innovative in his scope.
He explored the nature of Democratic Party reform,73 party leadership transfers,74 and its national organizations. To be sure, the official record can provide a nearly, if not completely, precise description of events. But this approach can be one-dimensional in nature, scope, and ultimately in significance. In these cases an archival and interview approach is too narrowly focused. Parties are dynamic not static organizations. They are diverse political entities, which official documents cannot alone capture.
Few of those writing a description of LBJ as a party leader are forthcoming about their methodological limitations. It is simply not enough to say that the official documents tell the entire story. They simply cannot. Nor have the findings about LBJ led to any restatement of this concept. In the main, the research and early categorizations have basically remained separated and unconnected.
It is as if these findings tell us nothing at all. Slowly, as noted earlier, the concept is being dropped from textbooks. This raises the question as to how useful this concept was in the first place. Now it appears we will never know.
A leading political scientist, Peter Odegard, wrote about the phenomenon before Rossiter suggested that such a role and function would be difficult to characterize in purely organizational and formal power terms: Even after his election the relations between a President and his party are largely informal, irregular, and tenuous. As for the party in opposition, we indulge in the fiction that the defeated candidate for the Presidency is the party leader.
Presidential efforts to enforce party discipline under existing conditions have never been conspicuously successful. Indeed, there are no clear standards by which to measure party loyalty in the American political system.
The end result was the lack of any organizational power or mechanism to make his titular leadership effective. This illuminated the importance of both individual motivation on the part of the president and organizational motivation needed to make the titular concept work. The problem, then and especially now, is at the level of conceptualization.
Titular Leadership, Presidential Party Leadership, and LBJ as a Native-Son Presidential Candidate At this point, we have seen that, first, the various models of presidential party leadership have not clarified the initial concept with their one-dimensional methodology, and, second, that they have dismissed LBJ from even remotely being considered as a party leader, describing him as anything but.
The question must be raised as to how to address the methodological problem inherent in an archival and interview data approach. Surprisingly, the answers come from one of the promoters of LBJ as a party leader failure and users of the archival data approach.
Brown and Welborn were not only quite critical of the one-dimensional nature of their approach but stood alone in pointing out its limitations. In a footnote to their study they declared: There is an aspect of party leadership in the Johnson case that is not treated here but which suggest a dimension of the phenomenon that is of vital importance and deserves extensive attention: party leadership through policy-making.
Johnson embodied it, pushing the enactment of a Democratic program and one responsive to partisan Democratic views and interest.
LBJ may have failed to revitalize the morbid DNC, but there is still his party leadership role as seen through his policy making for the Great Society. For their evidence, Brown and Welborn drew upon a thoughtful work by James L.
The congressional wing of the party, led by Rayburn and Johnson, had a broad-based policy agenda that would effectively define the Democrats as a distinctive opposition. In , in the midst of the Eisenhower era, the Democratic majority in both houses began to pass this new and very distinctive legislation.
Using public opinion data, Sundquist revealed that even the public saw these two parties as unique and differently focused in terms of public policy.
And here, Johnson was moving his party on a unique path. In the case of the Democrats, the activists control became increasingly pronounced during the fourteen-year span. Kennedy methodically sent forward to Congress most of the program measures to which his party was committed. LBJ had remade the Democratic Party, not only in terms of major social, economic, and cultural issues, but he also had added racial equality.
The responses of the Republicans, third parties, and the South in general also remade the Democratic Party, which further remade the American political party process. The southern leader George Wallace reacted first by reaching outside of the South and building an electoral base in the rest of the country via the Democratic primaries.
As the election got under way, however, the New Democrats were searching for a new presence, given the loss in of their next southern native son, Vice President Al Gore of Tennessee, to a southern Republican native son, Governor George W. Bush of Texas. While students of Texas politics never failed to point this out, few bothered to relate this to his national party leadership or to reconsider the dominant titular party leadership concept.
This oversight was indeed uninformative. Ultimately, it meant that the party leadership concept would stagnate and remain basically one-dimensional. Most of the literature on subnational party leadership tends to dwell on governors or longtime state party bosses as the dominant figures in state party leadership. And few did it as well as LBJ. Not only did LBJ have notable successes with the FDR wins, one Truman victory, one Kennedy victory, and one personal victory against two losses, he even carried the state of Texas for his vice president Hubert Humphrey in after he had stepped into the political shadows.
Carter could not carry Georgia for his vice president, Walter Mondale, in , even though he did help Mondale win the Democratic presidential primaries there. By dropping the state political party variable from their analyses, electoral scholars develop inadequate explanations of what occurred in a particular presidential election.
The loss of two crucial independent variables significantly reduces the resulting description of what happened in current and past elections. Carter apparently never understood the remade party or the process of reimagining it. She lost. As a congressman, he intervened eight times in intraparty rivalries when state party leaders sought to have the state electoral support go to someone other than the incumbent president or party nominee.
Rather suddenly the Democratic Party found itself without rivals. The minor parties were gone. The minority Republican Party became less and less a factor in state politics, and its presidential vote declined after Thus splits in the party became more frequent and more vital in presidential, congressional, and statewide elections. They also set up and support an opposition candidate to LBJ. Party leaders split over supporting either Nixon or Wallace because of national party support of civil rights.
Havard, ed. They responded by running Buck Taylor against him in the congressional elections, the first opponent LBJ had faced since his initial election. The only reason they ran him was to try to cut Lyndon up. In this election, LBJ won a seat in the U. Senate, Truman was reelected, and the state party stayed in the loyalist camp.
However, in the Eisenhower era, the Democratic governor of Texas simply outmaneuvered the LBJ forces, and the Democratic presidential nominee Adlai Stevenson lost in the state in In , however, the LBJ loyalist forces were ready, and they managed to secure the Democratic Party pledge for Stevenson. Eisenhower carried the state, and Stevenson lost by a larger margin than he had in In , however, the challenge came from the left.
Randolph was ousted from her position as national Democratic committeewoman, and Texas gave the Democratic Party its electoral votes. John F. Kennedy and his running mate Lyndon B. Johnson won the presidential election. It is one of his great legacies. But the same man would remake the Democratic Party on the national level into one with a liberal image, through his own poverty and civil rights policies.
It was his state leadership role that thrust him into a national position and then into a national party leadership role.
We argue that there is a linkage, a learning curve. Figure 2. Here we focus on four major variables. The endless power struggles and factional fights within the party required clever political maneuvering and coalition making in order to successfully reshape and remake the party.
Second is the southern regional variable, reflecting the efforts of the South to have the Democratic and Republican Parties adopt a policy of nonintervention in the southern system of racial segregation and white supremacy. This required Johnson to be adept at convention politics, presidential nomination politics, platform politics, and regional bloc voting.
For additional insights on this third variable, one needs to look at both LBJ and the congressional election. McCormack of Massachusetts went to Roosevelt and told him bluntly that something had to be done, and at once.
The President asked for suggestions. The next morning Johnson was in charge. He had a secluded office and no official title. His only instructions were to elect Democrats to Congress. And the campaign financial picture added to the gloom. He himself could provide the party with substantial funds, and he could provide them fast. Johnson came through for the Democrats.
Instead of capturing the House, the Republicans actually lost six seats. At this point, he had been in Washington for only three years, and he had proved more effective than the entire Democratic national apparatus. Here was a new party leader without formal organizational position or authority. This experience had taught him a new lesson in party leadership politics. The result was mixed, and this party organizational reform effort fizzled.
When Truman tried to purge the party of this element, his effort also failed. Congressional policies do force a party renewal. The final variable in figure 2. Earlier in his career, as a teacher, he had learned from Latino children about their needs and from African Americans about their second-class citizenship. He merged these personal concerns with his experiences with the other variables as he made his party leadership choices. LBJ learned that there were two major choices for presidential party leadership: 1 organizational reform through the DNC, and 2 public policies that reform the party through congressional legislation.
His choice was in effect made for him, as Doris Kearns Goodwin tells us in her very perceptive biography. He had learned to maneuver within the party and the legislative branch. What is ultimately shown in figure 2. The social and economic issues of his Great Society program remade the Democratic Party. Even his party reform efforts, which were drawn into national convention politics by the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and later the National Democratic Party of Alabama, were resolved using what he had learned.
His response was to acknowledge the presence of the MFDP, provide it with symbolic representation, and then play to the strength of the party, the party regulars, and maybe party loyalists, but surely to their past experiences and activism. Moral sentiment did not dissuade him from understanding and appreciating the role of power and experience in factional rivalries.
It was the white South that had been abandoned by the Democrats. It was the tender feelings of these racist segregationists that were not appeased. Conversely, it was the inequality and white supremacy of the South that were not tolerated. Omitted from their discussion were the years of suffering and violence sustained by the African American community.
For Carmines and Stimson, in an ordering of values, the white South was privileged. They summarized their empirical but flawed argument thusly: The Democratic nominees who succeeded Johnson, moreover, kept the party on the racial left by adopting tough pro-civil rights stands on a variety of racial issues.
The Republican party, by contrast having moved to the racial right in , more or less stayed there after In Clinton came along and, with the Democratic Leadership Council, repositioned the Democratic Party back to the right through his image of the New Democrat.
Then in George W. Bush of Texas began to reposition the Republican Party back to slightly right of center. The problem here is not that Carmines and Stimson could not see either Clinton or Bush from where they stood and they could not ; they did not even make it possible for them to be seen, for they never recognized the function of the native-son variable nor its southern variant.
Although Clinton and George W. Beyond the theoretical level, the original New Democrat, Senator Al Gore, appeared in the presidential primaries of , and Governor Clinton was in the wings in Arkansas. Also visible were the early efforts of the Democratic Leadership Council, which was formed after Mondale lost in In fact, Carmines and Stimson are symptomatic of the discipline itself, with an overreliance on survey data to explain electoral outcomes, which preelection polls are not really designed to do.
A dependency upon polls and surveys drives psychological concepts that explain, if at all, only at the individual level. This is not enough to discern the impact of the southern native-son concept, nor its powerful role and function in the political party system. This made the ensuing political party battle for the last quarter of the twentieth century play itself out around the party legacy of a southern native-son president, LBJ.
In the presidential election, both Al Gore and George W. Bush were responding to this legacy. It also ignores the problems that party nominees Humphrey in , McGovern in , Mondale in , and Dukakis in had in trying to overcome the party image, which they had inherited from LBJ.
This oversight has crippled the intellectual imagination and the understanding of the role and function of the native-son variable in fixing voting preferences and behavior, as well as breaking up the solid Democratic South.
LBJ, as a southern native-son president, remodeled his political party not only for his region, over their strong opposition and dismay, but for his nation as well.
And in so doing he redefined the party leadership of southern native-son presidents and presidential candidates for the future. This led to a remaking of the Democratic Party and the entire American political process. Unlike Arkansas and Georgia, Texas has generated successful and unsuccessful presidential nominees from both the Democratic and Republican Parties, and it has offered a number of third-party candidates as well.
Thus, Texas, due to its sheer size and large number of electoral votes, provides more examples than nearly any other state for empirically testing the influence and impact of this factor on voting behavior.
nationalist narrative.5 Perhaps more than any other single work, Michael DenningвЂ™s The Cultural Front opened us to new ways to think about the. Nevertheless, Leonowens admired StoweвЂ™s work and likely read Uncle in favor of the recognition of Liberia by the United States government,вЂќ he notes. ThereвЂ™s great hiking and several interesting sites around Economy. in from Saint JohnвЂ¦The hardest thing about the job is the lack of.